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Shock markets
On January 12, 2006, four Royal Dutch Shell workers in the Baylesa
province of the Niger Delta region were kidnapped by members of
a militia group, Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta
(MEND), who called for the release of a former governor currently
indicted for money laundering. Four days later, a major pipeline
in the region was bombed, suspending the daily flow of 226,000 barrels
of oil, about 10% of Nigeria’s average daily output of 2.6
million barrels. MEND claimed to have detonated the bomb. The hostages
were released on January 27. Three weeks later, on February 17,
another nine Shell Oil workers were kidnapped by masked militants
of the MEND group. They released their demands to the media, which
included a payment of $1.5 million by Shell for damages due to pollution
from oil production in the Baylesa province.1
They were released within three weeks. On the day
of the pipeline bombing, oil prices jumped $2, up to over $65 per
barrel. Royal Dutch Shell’s share price declined by 0.52%
on that same day, another 1.94% on the day of the second hostage
taking and, cumulatively, declined by 6% over the five-week period.
Such events remind us that terrorism is an important geopolitical
risk that affects the global economy and financial markets. The
immediate impact of terrorist attacks on financial and commodity
markets are predictable in that they lead to increases in investors’
risk aversion. The market reactions are also consistent with the
expected economic impact of terrorism in the intermediate and longer
term by reducing confidence and increasing the risk aversion of
consumers and firms, by lowering consumption and real investment
activity, by triggering economic slowdown if not outright recession,
and by spilling over to other stock markets, fixed income market
yields, currency and even other commodity markets. There is also
the potential impact of the psychological fear of terrorism on economic
behaviour.
For investors, corporations and government policy makers, it is
critical to understand the magnitude of the effects of terrorist
acts. It matters for investors who might choose to incorporate the
risk of a terrorist attack into the value of the shares of publicly
traded companies. It matters for corporations in their decision
to seek out terrorism risk insurance and for the insurance companies
providing and pricing such products. Finally, it matters for governments
charged with the task of supporting an insurance industry that may
hesitate to furnish such insurance programs at reasonable premiums
or for monetary and fiscal policymakers who may have to react to
broadbased attacks like those of September 11, 2001 (9/11).
The objective of this article is to define what we, as researchers,
know and, more importantly, what we do not yet know about the consequences
of terrorism for financial markets. I outline a number of the efforts
to assess the risk of terrorist attacks using quantitative techniques
that are limited in scope, as well as the limits of the databases
used to operationalize such models. I also describe some of the
research studies that have sought to measure the magnitude of the
impact of terrorist attacks on financial markets. Most of them have
focused on the events surrounding 9/11, though a few have broadened
the perspective over time and for countries beyond the U.S.
Dynamics of terrorist activity
Terrorism is not a recent phenomenon. Although terrorism is presumably
a complex and multi-causal phenomenon at the nexus of war and peace,
scholarly research on the causes of international terrorism has
always been hampered by a clear, objective definition of the event
and the absence of databases chronicling such events over time in
a detailed, reliable and consistent manner. The earliest studies
employed the only publicly available chronology of international
terrorist events compiled by Edward Mickolus (1980). He computed
monthly totals of skyjackings, barricade and hostage-taking events
and all terrorist acts directed against diplomats. The development
of the ITERATE (International Terrorism: Attributes of Terrorist
Events) and International Crisis Behavior (ICB) databases represented
the catalyst for a number of more disciplined studies of the dynamics
of terrorist activity from a quantitative analysis perspective.
ITERATE and ICB arose from a cooperative venture between Mickolus’s
team of researchers and the Inter-University Consortium for Political
and Social Research at the University of Michigan. They strung together
hundreds of events coding incident dates, locations, types, numbers
of people killed and wounded, and other variables. In spite of efforts
to maintain coding consistency over various updates, the reliance
on newspaper and other media sources may have created unevenness
and potential selection biases resulting from inclusion or exclusion
of small incidents.
The most recent initiative, arguably the most detailed and consistent
yet, began in 1995 when annual reports had to be submitted in compliance
with Title 22 of the United States Code, Section 2656(f), by the
Department of State to Congress with a full and complete annual
report on terrorism for those countries and groups meeting some
objective criteria. These “Patterns of Global Terrorism”
reports define terrorism to mean “premeditated, politically
motivated violence perpetrated against noncombatant targets by sub-national
groups or clandestine agents, usually intended to influence an audience.”
Each year, the annual report contains a list of “Designated
Foreign Terrorist Organizations” and a chronology appendix
of acts of terrorism, including politically motivated, religious-based
and non-attributed acts.
Worldwide data
What does the data say? Figure 1 shows the total number of
international terrorist attacks over 1982 to 2003 documented
by the U.S. Department of State’s Counterterrorism Office,
which compiles the annual report for Congress. The number
of incidents has dropped remarkably over time from around
650 in the mid-1980s to between 200 and 400 in the past five
years. Enders and Sandler (2000) acknowledged this decreasing
trend in the post-Cold War period which they attributed to
reduced state sponsorship, increased efforts to thwart terrorism
and the demise of many leftist groups. As noted in the examples
above, the attacks are coded by geographic location. Figure
2 shows that the vast majority of attacks have taken place
most recently (1998 to 2003) in Latin America (602 attacks,
34% of the total), followed by Asia (26%), Western Europe
(13%), and the Middle East (12%). While North America records
only six terrorist attacks during that period, it represents
one of the largest target regions in terms of casualties.
Figure 3 demonstrates that the 4,465 casualties (all stemming
from three attacks in 2001) in North America are surpassed
only by those in Africa (5,899) and Asia (5,590). Finally,
Figure 4 shows that, among facilities struck by terrorist
attacks, incorporated businesses are by far the greatest target
(1,534 attacks, 64% of the total) with military, government
and diplomatic facilities far behind in number.
What have we learned about the patterns of international
terrorist activity? Hamilton and Hamilton (1983) were among
the first to study these dynamics from a formal perspective
by applying stochastic models for social contagion. Not surprisingly,
they find that more open societies have a harder time responding
effectively to terrorism and weakening the tendency of terrorist
acts to incite further violent acts. Cauley and Im (1988)
use intervention analysis to study the effectiveness of increased
security measures in airports and embassies and find that
only the former were effective in deterring terrorist attacks.
Enders and Sandler (1993) take this analysis a step further
using vector autoregressive (VAR) models to find evidence
of substitutes and complements among the attacks. In a more
recent paper, Enders and Sandler (2000) study the time series
properties of these terrorist attacks, distinguishing the
stochastic from the deterministic components. Spectral analysis
is used to investigate the presence of cycles, and the VAR
framework is used to look for, among other things, structural
shifts. Interestingly, they document a shift from politically
motivated to religiously motivated terrorism, based on changes
in the number of casualties, around the takeover of the U.S.
Embassy in Tehran. Krueger and Laitin (2003) conduct a study
to determine which countries are more likely to develop terrorists
and which countries these terrorists are more likely to attack.
They find that the origins of terrorism exist in countries
that suffer from political oppression, while the targets are
countries that enjoy economic well-being. Krueger and Maleckova
(2003) continue the research initiated in the previous paper
uncovering those variables that could reduce the creation
of terrorists within a country. They do not find evidence
that reductions in poverty or increases in education reduce
significantly the export of terrorist activity. Further, on
the relation between poverty and terrorist activity, they
claim that “any connection is complicated and weak.” |




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Terrorism and stock prices
Prices of individual stocks reflect investors’ hopes and fears
about the future and, taken in aggregate, stock price movements
can generate a tidal wave of activity. Because of their liquidity,
terrorist attacks and other unforeseen disastrous occurrences can
have serious implications for stocks and bonds. Decisions to buy
and sell quickly, easily and inexpensively, are reversed. When information
becomes available about a cataclysmic event, like a terrorist attack,
investors often flee the market in search of safer inancial instruments
and panic selling can ensue. So, it seems logical to investigate
the response of global capital markets to terrorist attacks and
a number of studies have done so. One remarkable feature of these
studies is that they have been published or completed in working
paper form only in the past two or three years. Almost all of them
employ standard statistical methodology to uncover abnormal returns
(after adjusting for ‘normal’ using risk-return factor
models) timed to occur around the terrorist events though they
occur in different points of calendar time. But they differ dramatically
in terms of the types of events considered as well as the targets
of the attacks. Some focus on the 9/11 period, others broaden the
focus to other terrorist or military attacks.
One question that each of these studies asks is whether the terrorist
attacks are associated with significant negative abnormal returns
and, if so, how large are the reactions? The answer is, resoundingly,
both yes and it depends. Chen and Seims (2004) study the impact
of six major events (e.g., 1941 Pearl Harbor attack, 1990 Iraqi
attack on Kuwait) on national market index returns over six-day
windows surround the events and uncovered negative returns ranging
from -2.75% around Pearl Harbor, to -3.34% around the Korean Air
bombing in November 1987, to as large as -7.14% around 9/11. Berrebi
and Klor (2005) focus only on attacks on Israeli companies during
the 1998-2000 Palestinian Israeli conflict. The innovative aspect
of the study is that the Israeli companies are those cross-listed
for trading in the U.S. and the benchmark sample constitutes other
similar U.S. firms. They find large negative reactions of -0.77%
overall, but for non-defense-related companies the reactions are
more dramatic at -4.58%. Defense-related companies actually experience
positive net reactions of +3.89%.
Abadie and Gardeazabal (2003) study the costs of the Basque Country
conflict in terms of economic growth and lost market capitalization
of public firms. They report a 10% gap in the per capita growth
of the Basque Country and that of a synthetic benchmark and they
also find that Basque firms did significantly worse than non-Basque
firms during the 1998 2000 period. Guidolin and La Ferrara (2005)
look at the effect on national stock market indexes of 112 internal
conflicts (civil wars) from 1974 to 2004 and find that a large number
of those conflicts had a significant impact on stock indexes and
commodity prices. Finally, Karolyi and Martell (2006), in the most
broad-based, firm-level experiment to date, find a large negative
stock price reaction of -0.83% around the day of a terrorist attack
for 75 such events for publicly traded companies domiciled in 11
different developed and emerging market countries.
One of the key factors that determine the magnitude of the impact
is how closely related the firms are to the terrorism attack. The
events surrounding 9/11 prompted a number of studies of share-price
reactions focused not just on the target companies, but also on
those with different stakes in the tragedy, including insurance
and real-estate companies. Cummins and Lewis (2003) analyze the
returns of 43 propertycasualty insurers and also find evidence of
strong negative reactions. Doherty, Lamm-Tennant and Starks (2003)
develop testable hypotheses about the crosssectional variation in
the price reaction of the stock of insurance companies following
9/11 from the capacity constraint, post-loss investment, and a variety
of implicit insurance contract models and find results in support.
Kallberg, Liu and Pasquariello (2005) analyze the behaviour of New
York real estate investment trusts (REITs) to the 9/11 attack and
report an initial positive reaction followed by downward revisions
of expectations a couple of weeks after the attacks. Brown, Cummins,
Lewis and Wei (2004) explain how the U.S. government, by providing
free reinsurance to domestic insurers via the 2002 Terrorism Risk
Insurance Act (TRIA), may have involuntarily delayed or prevented
the re-emergence of private insurance following 9/11. They conduct
an analysis of the financial response to different stages of the
passage of the Act from firms in different sectors of the economy
and find negative reactions for those most likely to be affected
by TRIA (banking, construction, REITs, transportation, utilities),
but neutral reactions at best for property-casualty insurers.
This line of inquiry on spillover effects of terrorist attacks
is critical as it helps portfolio managers to gauge how broad based
or systematic a potential terrorism risk factor might be. However,
a proper investigation of this question mandates an analysis of
higher order effects of terrorist attacks, including market or individual
stock return volatility or market covariance (beta) risks in the
context of an asset-pricing model, like the Capital Asset Pricing
Model (CAPM). Only a few such studies have been attempted and with
limited scope. Hon, Strauss and Yong (2003) showed that 9/11 resulted
in a significant increase in correlations across global financial
markets which they associate with financial market contagion. The
effects were stronger in European and U.S. markets than those in
Asia or Latin America. Choudhry (2003) evaluated whether the market
betas of 20 U.S. firms in a variety of industries experienced a
significant shift after 9/11. He finds very mixed results and with
no obvious pattern by type of firm.
In the end we still know relatively little of the economic and
financial consequences of terrorism, though it is clear that the
level of terrorist activity will likely not slow for the foreseeable
future. Corporations with global operations in countries that have
abnormally high risks of terrorist attacks need to understand it
better, as do investors with holdings in such corporations and policymakers
with a mandate to respond to the immediate aftermath of attacks
or those with a medium- to longer-term focus for regulatory, trade,
monetary and fiscal policy.
We do know that financial markets react negatively to terrorist
attacks by selling down shares of targeted firms, but we do not
know whether these price changes reflect the consequences of direct
asset losses, or changes in market beliefs that the attacks might
change the firm’s operations or its investment programs. We
also do not know whether the share price reactions are permanent
or transitory, perhaps reflecting some kind of psychological over-reaction
to the terrorist event (Becker and Rubinstein, 2004). We know that
there are measurable consequences of such attacks for shares of
other firms that are economically related to the target of the attack,
but these “spillover” effects vary in magnitude and
in ways that are unrelated to any economic fundamentals. There are
undoubtedly many avenues through which firms are connected to the
attacks that are difficult to measure. For example, positive price
reactions to a terrorist attack could reflect competitive effects
in which investors adjust to improved cash flow expectations from
the decreased capacity of a competitor firm and negative price reactions
could reflect contagion effects as investors adjust discount rate
expectations higher for increased terrorist risk exposures or for
higher security costs. Ultimately, we need to know whether there
exists a pervasive terrorism-related risk factor that is priced
in the markets and how the premium for such a risk factor might
vary over time.
Acknowledgments
I thank the Dice Center for Research on Financial
Economics for funding support. Helpful discussions with Rodolfo
Martell, René Stulz and participants at the Global Investment
Conference in Banff (April 2006) helped me think about the issues,
but I do not implicate them in any errors in fact or interpretation
contained herein. I would also like to thank Professor Robert Heinkel
and Caroline Cakebread for their help in preparing this article
Endnotes
1 “Nigerian Militants Show Off U.S. Hostage,”
by Edward Harris, AP Newswire, February 24, 2006, 3:09 pm.
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—Andrew Karolyi, Charles R.Webb Professor of Finance,
Department of Finance, Fisher College of Business, Ohio State University
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